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題名:地域與國法-南宋「女子分法」與江南民間慣習關係再考     (50點)
Regions and Imperial Laws: Rethinking the "Half Share Law" of the Southern Sung and Customs in Chiangnan
著者:青木敦(Aoki Atsushi) ;譯:陳進盛 ;譯:鍾淑敏
出版地區:台灣
出版城市:台北市
學科:歷史 ; 民族
關鍵字: ; 法文化 ; 訴訟 ; 女子財產權 ; 江西 ; Sung ; legal culture ; property rights ; law ; gender
刊名:欲掩彌彰:中國歷史文化中的「私」與「情」--公義篇
卷期:1期(2003.9)
頁碼:109-133
語言:繁體中文
摘要: 中文摘要PDF ; 英文摘要PDF

「法」雖然是非常普遍性的原則,但是,其意向卻因個別利害、感情以及慣習等關係,在各時期、地方、場合有所不同。例如,在日本以滋賀秀三為代表的清代法制研究,已對中國家族法提出其顯示漢族家系的關係,並以同居共財、男子均分、同宗不婚等為其特色。其中,女子沒有繼承祖先氣脈的權利或義務,因此也沒有繼承家產的權利及義務。中國歷代的法律都和這些原則不相矛盾。可是,在這方面卻有一個唯一的例外,就是南宋的「女子分法」。史籍中劉克莊所引的「女子分法」(「女合得男之半」)是指在室女子有權繼承不動產的權利。關於這個規定,仁井田陞和滋賀秀三在以往有過激烈的爭辯,仁井田認為這條保證女子財產權利的規定是值得瞠目注意的,而且在華南一定有類似的慣習。滋賀則指出這種習慣的存在是沒有辦法證明的,這是一個不應該重視的例外。後來發現明版《名公書判清明集》之後,討論繼續再起,最近K. Bernhardt明確支持滋賀說,披露女子分法是劉克莊自己解釋范應鈴判語的可能性,佐立治人則猜女子分法是我們現在看不到的唐戶令應分條或其變形。就以上諸說來看,滋賀說現在完全居於有力的局面,但是除了K. Bernhardt的假說以外,對於「女合得男之半」的規定其存在還沒有辦法完全被否定。 就筆者以往研究南宋法制的特色和江西地域的法文化來理解,以南宋所特別具有的法治主義(筆者按:在此不是指西方的「以法統治」的法治之意。而是就中國地方官一般「人治」的普遍現象來看,有較重視法律的情形)傾向來看,南宋女子分法的現象並不奇怪,不應該算是不重視一種的例外。《清明集》並不是南宋典型的判語集輯。其名公都是朱子學者,並且判決之地很多是在江西和閩北。判語中法律的引用也有個人的差異。目前初步了解,引用法律較多的名公裡面,江西人(范應鈴,吳革等),或在江西活動的名公比較多。 這個傾向從江西在地的風俗來看,是可以了解的。當時士大夫發現有江西的健訟現象,在當地民間有訟學,鄉校有教法律。因為有這樣的認識,在江西任官的名公常常以法律來統治江西各地,維持社會秩序。在葉適,朱子筆下備受批評的宋朝法律制度,其詳密而具體的特色,其實是很適合這個地方的統治。女子分法無論在戶令或指揮申明,當然也是這種具有實際性特質的宋朝法典的一部分,特別在江西(包括信州、饒州)很適用。筆者不能支持滋賀秀三對女子分產所抱持的非常嚴格的否定態度。為了解現實存在的女子分法情形,研究者必須要承認在某些特定區域內慣習多樣性的存在是有其可能,如此才能看到一些主要在江西活動的地方官為了維持社會秩序,在引用和適用法律是不可避免的情況下認為有制定這種法令的必要性。或許從以上的角度,可以解釋乍見之下似乎是(特殊字元略)脫出中國家族法原理的女子分產律文。雖然在各個地方,各個場合都有個別的私情,國法不一定能夠反映其多樣性。可是,中國的法制也不一定是這麼嚴格的具有規範性,像在南宋江南那樣特定的時空條件下,也可以見到反映出民間慣習多樣性的法令。雖然例外是例外,但是也是可以了解的。
There was a law called the "half-share law" found in two texts of judgement by Liu K'e-chuang in the thirteenth century Chiangnan. Because this law allows daughter who had lost parents to receive an inheritance equal to one-half of assets inherited by each son, and because this does not fit the Chinese principle of inheritance which only allow s sons to inherit, the law was thought to be very rare in the Chinese legal tradition and became a focal point of legal history. After much debate between Niida Noboru and Shiga Shuzo, interpretation of this law was futher discussed by several scholars, especially after the discovery of Ming copy of Ch'ing Ming Chih. In this paper the problem of this law is handled in the context of regional legal culture and yin-yang philosophy. The author presents the following points: (1) in areas of rapid population growth, like Chianghsih and Hunan in the Southern Sung, the typical legal culture was viewed as "litigious". People were prone to go to court, and litigation specialists took part in the proceedings. As Yang K'an wrote, particularly in some areas in Chianghsih, social order was largely maintained by laws. The active and detailed legal system of the Sung dynasty after Wang An-hsih was suitable for these societies. In the Sung period, sometimes the laws were adjusted to fit the real social situation, unlike the Ming and Ch'ing Code under strong philosophical influence of Neo-Confucianism. Thus we can say that it would be natural to find this law in the Sung period if there were any local customs that allowed daughters inheritances one-half the size of that received by sons. (2) Although Shiga's point is that the Chinese bused the principle of equal inheritance among sons, there are cultures other than Confucianism, like Taoism, to consider Particularly, when we think around the relationship between men and women, the main concept used is yin-yang. In yin-yang discourse, the woman is yin and the man is yang, and because yang can subsitute for yin but not vice versa, yin, counts for one-half of yang. Expressions of this kind by Yüan and Ming philosophers coincide with the words in the half-share law, so presumably the law, as well as the former regulation in the Tang Ling that calls for daughters to get dowry equal to half of sons, had a close relation with this yin-yang idea. At the same time, we can see from the Ming Shih that people in Chianghsih, where the half-share law was used, valued yin-yang philosophy, in the Ming era at the laest. It may be true that in other areas there was no yin-yang influence, but we can at least see that the principle of equal inheritance among sons only was not absolute throughout Chinese history. Thus, we can understand why this law was possible and necessary in thirteenth century Chianghsih: laws were necessary for maintaining social order in developing areas, and the Sung laws had to be formed to an extent in accordance with real social customs; furthermore, there were rather strong influences of yin-yang, which asserts yin (woman) will get one-half of yang among people in Chianghsih.


    

本卷期目次
欲掩彌彰:中國歷史文化中的「私」與「情」--公義篇 1期 (2003.9)
征服情海:試掘一口情慾的老井/ 盧建榮
地域與國法-南宋「女子分法」與江南民間慣習關係再考/ 青木敦;譯:陳進盛;譯:鍾淑敏
晉南北朝時代的鄉里之情/ 劉增貴
市井與圍城-南朝建康宮廷文化之一側面/ 鄭毓瑜
胡適、吳宓和愛情-兼論私情與公論/ 汪榮祖
男性與自我的扮相:胡適的愛情、軀體與隱私觀/ 江勇振
Conflicting Emotions: Aspects of the Personal and Public in the Late Qing/ Peter Zarrow
Revealing to Conceal: Love-letters and Privacy in Republican China/ Bonnie S. McDougall
Sentiments and Interests in Marriage Ceremonies in the Late Qing Period/ Mechthild Leutner
兒女情短、英雄氣長:辛亥革命時期的性別與革命/ 呂芳上
慾望之河--唐代情、義邊界的建構和逾越/ 盧建榮
情之景-宋代山水畫中的浪漫情思/ 包華石
情義難決:從近代中國的兩性關係說起/ 呂芳上
依違於私情與公義之間-孟姜女故事流轉探析/ 劉靜貞
 
   
 
   

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